How Lafiaji, Former NDLEA Boss, Walked Himself Into Jail

Written by Wole Arisekola Friday, 25 June 2010 11:26
Culled from Sahara Reporters

Alhaji Bello Lafiaji, the former Chairman of the Nigeria Drug Law Enforcement Agency, has been sent to jail for 16 years, the climax of a long-drawn legal tussle between the Independent and Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) and Lafiaj. His former Special Assistant, Usman Amali, was sentenced to seven years imprisonment. For those who lauded the achievements of the former NDLEA boss in his hey day, what has befallen him is nothing short of a major disaster. None of them ever have thought someone of Lafiaji’s caliber would be involved in corrupt enrichment and abuse of office. Many are also wondering whether the office of the NDLEA Chairman is a jinxed one, judging from the ignominious exit of Fidelis Oyakhilome from the same seat before Lafiaji’s.

Although nobody can say precisely the point at what the former anti-drug agency chairman’s careeer derailed, the Federal Government must have smelled a rat when he was removed from office unceremoniously just after his tenure had been renewed for five years.

When Alhaji Lafiaji assumed duties as the Chairman of the NDLEA in October 2000, the general belief was that drug lords in Nigeria were in for a tough time. Lafiaji had the status of a veteran intelligence officer who has been everything in the Nigerian intelligence hemisphere. He had served as a policeman and a pioneer of the National Intelligence Agency and the State Security Service before he was enlisted in the drug war.

He hails from Kankia Local Government Area of Katsina State and he was born on the 2nd of February 1952. In his much younger days, Lafiaji was a great sportsman as he represented his state in events like hockey, basketball and cross country running, in which he was the North Central State champion. He joined the Nigeria Police Force at the Police College, Ikeja while he had his security intelligence training at the SSS Training School, Lagos. That he was well trained as an officer is evident in the fact that he is a product of the Institute of Strategic Studies, Cairo, Egypt, where he trained in 1975. He also trained at the National Intelligence Academy, Fort Lauderdale, USA in 1978 and at Nigeria’s famous National War College.

The dedicated officer in him saw him becoming the Deputy Officer in Charge, Abuja SSS Command after which he became the Director of the State Security Service for the Katsina, Kano, Borno commands, as well as the National Director of Operations and later training.

With many years of service in intelligence behind him, many saw him as the man that could surpass the achievements of General Musa Bamaiyi in his days as the Chairman of the NDLEA. It was also said then that he would restore the respect commanded by the NDLEA and he lived up to that billing when he assumed office. Six months after his appointment as Chairman, Lafiaji reversed the 7 year de-certification of Nigeria by the United States. It was therefore not surprising to many when the former NDLEA chairman emerged the Secretary General, and later, the first African President of the European Working Group of the International Drug Enforcement Conference in May, 2004.

His achievements then did not go unnoticed: he received honours both at home and abroad on account of his streak of successes at the agency. They include two National honours of the Order of the Niger and the Officer of the Federal Republic. The belief is still held in some quarters that Alhaji Lafiaji was the one that professionalized the NDLEA. He also commanded respect for the way he refocused and restructured the organization in order to redeem Nigeria’s image in the international community.

One of his major achievements in office was the interception of a huge quantity of pure cocaine weighing as much as 60 kilogrammes and with a street value of about N1 billion at the Tin Can Island Ports years ago. NDLEA officials reportedly turned down a N50 million bribe to effect the seizure. Many officers of the NDLEA would remember that Lafiaji gave the drug war a human face: in December, 2002, he organized a merit award ceremony where past Chairmen of the Agency and deserving officers and stakeholders in the drug war were honoured.

HOW HE GOT INTO TROUBLE: The Deals That Nailed Him

The Independent and Corrupt Practices Commission arraigned Alhaji Lafiaji and his Special Assistant, Usman Amali on a seven count charge of abuse of office and conspiracy in 2008. One of the allegations against them was that the sum of € 164,300 seized from one Ikenna Onochie, a drug suspect was diverted by Lafiaji and his aide. A new twist emerged when the suspect claimed that it was € 165,000 that was missing. The purpose of the said money was part of the exhibits seized from Onochie’s house in his Maryland, Lagos when he was arrested for being in possession of 3.2 kg of cocaine and heroin in 2005.

One of the many factors that nailed the former NDLEA boss was the testimony of one of his officers, Samuel Gadzama. According to Gadzama, Lafiaji instructed him to release Onochie and his confiscated property the same day he was arrested while he was also instructed not to document the arrest and seizure on the ground that the suspect was a friend of the NDLEA. The ICPC conducted a painstaking investigation and discovered that Ikenna Onochie was arrested and released on the 3rd of December, 2005, which was a public holiday. It was found out in the course of the investigation that the release did not follow due process.

Another nail on the coffin was an MTN call list that was tendered in evidence. The call log showed that Usman Amali had conversations with Onochie altthough the former denied ever talking with the suspected drug baron. And as if that was not enough, Lafiaji’s hitherto respectable image suffered a devastating blow when it was discovered that he collected the sum of N 450,000 from Samuel Gadzama, who would later became a prosecution witness in the case. Alhaji Lafiaji however insisted in court that the money was not part of the exhibit seized from a suspect but from a fund earmarked for joint police task force operation of drug trafficking.

Defending the action, Lafiaji explained in court that sometime in 2005, an informant walked into his office with information that some people were planning to import drugs from Benin Republic into Nigeria and he demanded N 500,000 out of the fund meant for the operation of the joint task force from Gadzama in order to give the informantion but Gadzama brought only N 450,000 which was handed over to the informant.

Street Journal gathered that the raid on Ikenna Onochie’s residence was allegedly led by Samuel Gadzama and it was gathered that the € 164,300 was not tendered by the search team. To make matters worse, when Onochie was arraigned, he raised alarm that the money seized from him was not tendered as exhibit in court.

Things seemed normal until Alhaji Ahmadu Giade took over as the Chairman of the NDLEA. He ordered the investigation of Ikenna Onochie’s allegation and part of the findings was that the officer that led the operation was said to have disclosed that the € 164,300 was recovered and given to Alhaji Lafiaji. Based on the facts before the agency, the case was referred to the ICPC and that was the beginning of the former Chairman’s disgraceful road to jail.

Speaking on the irregularities in the Onochie matter, Giade said: “When a senior officer has to effect arrest or seizure, he fills a search endorsement form, listing all the potential exhibits they are seizing and other operatives and a suspect sign as witnesses. In the search endorsement form filled by Gadzama when they effected Onochie’s arrest, there were lists on three pages. The petitions that kept coming from the suspect and others made me call for the case file on the matter. Surprisingly, there was nowhere in the case file where the €164,000 was mentioned. The petitions were persistent so I decided to conduct internal investigations. Later, Gadzama himself confirmed that three days after it was recovered, he was directed by the former Chairman, Alhaji Lafiaji, to hand it over to his (Lafiaji’s) Special Assistant and he did so.”

Speaking further, Alhaji Ahmadu Giade disclosed that when he asked why the money was not reflected in the case file, he was told that it was a directive given by the management of the NDLEA before he became the chairman. He went further: “I discovered that the form’s serial numbering of recovered items and even the date had been altered. The discrepancies made me suspend Gadzama pending the outcome of all investigations. His allegations against the former management of the NDLEA made me bring in the ICPC. ”

Akunyili reads Riot Act to Telecom Operators over SIM Card Registration in Nigeria

Telecommunication operators, distributors and retailers have been charged to comply strictly with Federal Government's directive on compulsory registration of new Subscriber Identification Module (SIM) cards or risk heavy sanctions and possible closure.

The Minister of Information and Communications, Professor Dora Akunyili told a meeting of telecomm operators and key players that sale of SIM cards on streets will be banned with any case of non-compliance.

Akunyili also raised concern over what she termed the incessant invasion of Nigerians' privacy by operators' lottery promos, most of which she said are not genuine and must be checked.

This meeting of telecom operators, management of the Nigeria Communication Commission (NCC) and Lottery Regulatory Commission (LRC) was convened by Akunyili to tackle a number of issues presently plaguing the telecommunication sector. Her list comprised of substandard service, tariffs, co-location by operators and others.

But the minister's main points of concern were SIM card registration and fraudulent lottery promotion by operators.

The regulatory body for telecom operations in Nigeria agreed that many pertinent issues need to be addressed and possible sanctions meted out even as the operators say they are in the clear.

The Federal Government is of the opinion that the challenges faced by telecomm operators though numerous, are not enough to result to the kind of services presently offered Nigerians. To this effect, the regulatory bodies involved have been mandated to ensure that the laid rules and codes of conduct are strictly adhered to.

Jonah Jang- the Governor in a state in crises-

Jonah Jang
Jonah Jang, retired air force officer, administrator and governor of Plateau State, 66, March 13. Born in Du near Jos, Plateau State, he was educated at Riyom Primary School, Du-Jos, 1953-1956; Riyom Senior Primary School, 1957-1959; Plateau Provincial Secondary School, Kuru, 1960-1964; Air Force Supply Operations Course, USA,1972; Junior Command and Staff School 1975; Command and Staff College, Jaji, 1978-1979. Jang was commissioned as regular combatant officer, 1969. He was appointed military governor of Benue, 1985-1986; military governor of Gongola, (now Adamawa State) 1986-1988; director of logistics, Nigeria Air Force, NAF headquarters, Lagos, 1988. He was elected governor of Plateau State, 2007

Jonathan Slams Ethnic Bigots

From Thisday;s Sufuyan Ojeifo in Abuja, 06.25.2010

In what may be a veiled swipe at proponents of zoning, Pres-ident Goodluck Jonathan yesterday said those who could not compete favourably for positions were the ones playing up all manner of sentiments for selfish motives.

“We are a country where our leaders tend to play tribal sentiments, saying I am from the South-South; I am from North-west; I am North, I am South, I am a Muslim and I am a Christian.

“All these are selfish motives to make people who probably cannot compete with others…to use these sentiments,” Jonathan said in his address to the Nigerian community and friends of Nigeria at the Marriot Easton Centre in Downtown, Toronto, Canada.
The video of the address was sourced by THISDAY, courtesy of the Nigerian Abroad News Magazine.

Proponents of zoning including the 150 Northern Leaders who met last week in Abuja have been insisting that power should return to the North in 2011 based on the zoning formula of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), under which they claimed power had been ceded to the region till 2015.

Among those who attended the meeting were former military President, General Ibrahim Babangida, former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, former Finance Minister Adamu Ciroma and former Senate President Iyorchia Ayu.
But only two days ago, former Head of State, General Muhammadu Buhari, said in a statement that Nigerians should be allowed to make their choice of president freely in 2011 and that zoning is a PDP affair and should not be misconstrued as a position of the entire North.

Jonathan’s meeting with the Nigerian Community came ahead of his attendance of the G-8 Outreach Programme for Heads of States who were invited to the G-8 Summit holding at the Deerhurst Resort, Muskoka, Ontario, Canada.
The President assured Nigerians in the Diaspora that his administration would conduct credible elections next year and that votes of Nigerians at home would indeed count.

He said that the process must begin from within the parties, stressing that “we must present the best candidate as there is no room for manipulation because if you try that, you will lose out at the general elections because there will be no compromise in any way.”

He assured Nigerians that his administration “will begin to sanitize the society because one thing is that how people get into office matters so much and the character of people that come to be governors, presidents and parliamentarians matter so much.”
He warned that if the wrong method was used to get into office, the country would be doomed, stressing “the only way we can sanitize that is to make sure that electoral processes are the ones that can bring out persons that people want and the votes of people must count.”

He lamented that Nigeria was yet to develop to the level where Nigerians in the Diaspora could vote in their countries of domicile, but promised that immediately the country sanitized the electoral process for the 2011 elections, voting by Nigerians in the Diaspora would be the next agenda for the 2015 elections.

According to him, “Immediately we sanitize what is going on at home, we will, at least, come up with a method where Nigerians can go to the embassies and vote.

“For the 2011 elections, it will not be possible. We will sanitize the electoral process but before 2015 polls, the conviction is that Nigerians should be able to vote outside Nigeria .”
Jonathan told the gathering that Nigeria has now stabilized politically; pointing out that the next thing to achieve “is to jump-start technological development.”

He said: “That is why one of the things we are trying to do is to upgrade the department in the Foreign Ministry that deals with Diaspora issues to a full-fledged commission so that we will be able to liaise properly with the Diaspora population, harnessing their talents.”

He said the Nigerian professionals in the Diaspora were the people who would come and jump-start the process of technological development, even as he expressed hope that Nigeria should be able to play a big role in the year 2020.

But he said that would not be possible without first building the power infrastructure that would provide electricity round the clock.
Meanwhile, President Jonathan has told participants at the G20 Business Leaders Conference that private sector and international investment is needed in Nigeria’s energy, banking and agricultural sectors.

He also used the opportunity of attending the back-to-back G8 and G20 summits brief the members on a raft of reform initiatives in energy and banking sectors aimed at making the private sector the major economic drivers, AFP reported.

"What is required is massive investment by the private sector within Nigeria and internationally," said Jonathan, who is visiting North America for the first time in his less than two months in office, told the business leaders from North Africa, Europe and Asia.
"This is not the time to sit back and await further development because you may lose the opportunity of being a pioneer investor," Jonathan said.

On his arrival Wednesday, Jonathan said he would seize the opportunity to "share with the G8 leaders his vision and plans for the consolidation of democracy and the revitalization of the Nigerian economy."

The G20 talks will focus more on shoring up recovery as the world economy emerges from its worst crisis in decades.
"Today, we are faced with challenges that are equally serious and we will need such bold and friendly partners who will stand with the people of Nigeria in our determined effort to bring happiness to our people," Jonathan said at yesterday’s session.

However, a statement by the Office of the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity, Ima Niboro, said the President’s meeting with the Nigerian community in Canada witnessed an unprecedented gathering of Nigerian professionals in that country.
The statement said that Jonathan, accompanied by Governor Danbaba Suntai of Taraba State, and his Osun State counterpart, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, arrived at the Infield Terminal of Lester Pearson International Airport, Toronto at 6.00p.m (local time) (10.45p.m Nigerian time).

The 32-man delegation was received on arrival by Minister of State, Foreign Affairs of Canada, Mr. Peter Kent alongside the Foreign Affairs Minister, Mr. Odein Ajumogobia, and the Nigerian High Commissioner to Canada, Prof. Iyowuese Hagher.
The statement said that Jonathan was expected later yesterday to hold working dinners with Presidents Eduardo-Dos-Santos of Angola and Jacob Zuma of South Africa.

The trio would hold a tripartite-meeting that would help promote the mutual and bi-lateral relations between and among the three countries.
According to the statement, “He (president) will on Friday 25th June (today) attend a combined outreach programme with the G-8 leaders.

“The President will on arrival at the venue be welcomed by the Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper. He will thereafter proceed to meet with other invited leaders and proceed to meet with the G-8 leaders for the outreach programme.
“The meeting will end with the traditional family photos usually taken by the G-8 leaders and the invited Heads of State.”
The statement said the President would return to Abuja tomorrow.

The Man - Chief Olabode George swimming in murking waters of Nigeria politics

Olabode Ibiyinka George was born on November 21, 1945 in Lagos. He earned a B.Sc and MBA. Bode George became a Commodore in the Nigerian navy, and was appointed Military Governor of Ondo State (1988-1990). The African Concorde magazine reported that George treated the state budget as his own, spending lavishly and handing out inflated contracts in return for large kick-backs. In a July 2002 interview, Lagos State Governor Bola Tinubu said Bode George needed to face a criminal tribunal over his activity in Ondo state. He said "Bode George and his fellow travellers who believe in military arbitrariness have to be told in clear terms that their time has passed, we are under democracy now." In response the PDP party Chairman, Alhaji Muhammed Muritala Ashorobi, said Bode George had an outstanding record as governor of old Ondo State, and the structures he built were key monuments. He established the Rufus Giwa Polytechnic, Owo by edict in 1990, a school that now has over 4,000 students. While governor, he was attacked at a ceremony in the University of Lagos (UNILAG), of which he is an alumnus.
He became Principal Staff Officer, to General Oladipo Diya when the latter was Chief of General Staff, between 1993 and 1997. George was also a Director at the Nigerian National War College (NWC).
Bode George was appointed Chairman of the Nigerian Ports Authority in 1999. In February 2001, while visiting the Delta ports, Bode George called for increased security, and also discussed the problem of delays in payment of large sums of money owed to the port authority by organizations such as the Petroleum Products Marketing Company, Nigerian National Shipping Line, Delta Steel Company and Central Water Transport Company. In April 2001, George said that one of the causes of port congestion that importers were slow to clear their goods because of fear of seizure. In May 2001, Bode George called for construction of new dry ports and warehouses to tackle congestion. In September 2001, Chief Bode George directed that all empty containers should be moved out of the Lagos seaports to free up space. In July 2002, he appealed to Truck Owners striking over clearance of goods at the Lagos ports to go back to work.[
In March 2003, Bode George commended the Grimaldi Group for investing in Nigeria, and said the NPA would solve the shortage of berths for ships at the RORO port by expansion when the present government gained power in April. In August 2003, talking of plans to privatize port operations, Bode George said "The illusion that the NPA is a buoyant and bottomless source of funds, which has encouraged a culture of carefreeness in the handling of contracts and materials, the unwarranted external influences to procure materials and equipment that are not required for our operations needs, lack of proper stock taking and modern store management procedures, the poor maintenance and management of our assets, all these must give way to harsh realities of our new role.
In October 2003, the senior management and the board of the Nigerian Ports Authority was dismissed. The new managing drector, Chief Adebayo Sarumi, hired auditors to review major existing contracts. Their review found irregularities. It was passed to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission under Nuhu Ribadu, which started investigations in 2005.
Bode George was close to president Olusegun Obasanjo, and was given preference in the sale of houses in Lagos state. In 2001, George was made the PDP's national vice-chairman in the southwest zone. Later he became PDP Deputy National Chairman, South, and then the National Deputy Chairman of the PDP.
At a March 2001 rally, George appeared to back Chief Funsho Williams, the runner-up in 1998 Lagos State governorship primaries of the Alliance for Democracy (AD) party, as the PDP candidate for the 2003 governorship election. Williams later decamped to the PDP.
In February 2002, in response to allegations that the PDP was imposing levies on prospective aspirants for political offices, Bode George said the party had never given such a directive, and anyone caught doing do would be arrested and handed over to the Police. In August 2002, Nick Mbaezue, the leader of Anambra People's Forum (APF) arm of the Anambra State chapter of People's Democratic Party (PDP) accused Bode George of auctioning the PDP executive to the governor's faction.
In January 2003, Chief Olorunfunmi Bashorun, the founding chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party in Lagos State, and other leaders, petitioned the National Chairman over a crisis in the party. They accused George and his client Alhaji Murtala Ashorobi of favoritism. In April 2004, George denied any involvement in the reported detention of Governor Bola Tinubu of Lagos State and two other former governors. The three were attending a funeral in Iyin-Ekiti when they were detained by soldiers and policemen.
In June 2004, a splinter group of the PDP accused Bode George, south-west chairman of the party, Senator Adeseye Ogunlewe, and Mohammed Ashorobi, the PDP state chairman of breaking up the party through of intimidation, blackmail, discrimination and abuse of power. In July 2004, there was a crisis in Anambra State where the house of assembly first stated that the governor Chris Ngige had resigned and the deputy governor, Okey Udeh should take his place, then reversed their decision saying they had been deliberately misled. Bode George headed a PDP panel that recommended that Okey Udeh resign.
In January 2005, This Day reported that Bode George was expected to be named National Chairman of the PDP at the party's national convention in November. In July 2005, he was promoted to PDP Deputy National Chairman (South). In February 2007, Olabode George called for the resignation of Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who had defected to the Action Congress (AC) party. In March 2008, the PDP National Chairman, Prince Vincent Ogbulafor dismissed Bode George from the Governing Board of the Peoples Democratic Institute (PDI).[34] In April 2008, the PDP National Disciplinary Committee (NDC), which Bode George headed, was dismantled

The Man - Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola,

Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, fondly called “Lagun” within the family circle was born on Saturday, February 3, 1951 in Okuku, Odo Otin Local Government Area of Osun State into the royal Oyinlola family. His father, Late Oba Moses Oyewole Oyinlola was the Olukuku of Okuku between 1934 and 1960 and has a record of a peaceful and successful reign. Olagunsoye’s mother, Late Olori Comfort Ololade Oyinlola, hailed from Otan Ayegbaju. Her family migrated from Otan-Ayegbaju to settle in Okuku. Olagunsoye Oyinlola’s mother died in 1959 when he was barely eight years old while his father died a year later. Following the loss of both, at a very tender age, the task of nurturing Olagunsoye fell on the elderly members of his family.
The formative stages of his educational career saw Olagunsoye attending four primary schools between 1958 and 1963 due to the fact that his guardians who took over his parental responsibilities were not stable. He, however, completed his primary education at St. Michael’s Primary School, Okuku in 1963.
Thereafter, he proceeded to Odo-Otin Grammar School, Okuku, from where he obtained the West African School Certificate in 1968. Olagunsoye Oyinlola, out of love for the military profession, enlisted in the Nigerian Army in 1969 as a private Soldier and was posted to the Signals Corps, then headed by Late General Murtala Ramat Mohammed. He rejected an admission offer into the Ahmadu-Bello University, Zaria, as a result of his love for the uniform. He later attended the Nigerian Defence Academy as a participant in the Short Service Course 11 and was commissioned as an officer in 1971, into the Armoured Corps of the Nigerian Army at the prime age of 20.
In quest of knowledge, Olagunsoye Oyinlola attended the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife from where he bagged a Diploma in International Relations in 1979. He later proceeded to the University of Madras, India, where he graduated with M. Sc. Degree in Defence Studies in 1988.
Olagunsoye, in consideration of the fact that knowledge is power, also attended the University of Ibadan where he added the Masters Degree in Strategic studies to his academic achievements in 1999. Not yet satisfied with his academic attainments, Oyinlola again proceeded to Buckingham University, United Kingdom where he graduated in law in 2003. His decision to study Law was influenced by his desire to provide free legal services to the poor.
Prince Olagunsoye had a fulfilling career in the military. Prince Oyinlola trained at the Nigerian Defence Academy, Command and Staff College Jaji, where he also served as a Directing Staff, and Military Institutions in India and the United-States.
Prince Oyinlola was at the National War College, Abuja where he was awarded the Fellowship of the War College in 1998. He served meritoriously in various capacities as Troop Leader, Squadron Leader, Battalion Commander, Brigade Commander, Acting General Officer Commanding and Military Administrator.
He participated in the United Nations Peace-Keeping exercises in Chad in 1983 and Somalia in 1993. The stream of successes recorded by Olagunsoye Oyinlola in the military and his humility and level headedness, saw him being appointed the military administrator of Lagos State, a position he held from December, 1993 till August 1996. He bowed out of Military Service as a Brigadier-General in 1999.

MILITARY INSTITUTIONS ATTENDED AND QUALIFICATIONS OBTAINED
1. Nigerian Army School of Education – Ilorin 1973 – French, English/Current Affairs Course.
2. 5e Regiment de Chasseurs, Periguex France 1974 Specialities on AML 60 and 90.
3. NAAC School Ibadan 1974 – Young Officers Course.
4. Royal Armoured Corps Centre, Britain 1975 – Troop Leaders Armoured Course.
5. The School of Armour Pakistan 1977 – Communications Instructors Course.
6. Command and Staff College Jaji 1979 – Junior Division Staff Course.
7. US Army Armour School, USA 1981 – Armoured Officer Advanced Course.
8. Command and Staff College, Jaji 1982/83 – CSC course 5.
9. US Army Institute of Personnel and Resource Management USA 1984 Adjutant General Officer Advanced Course.
10. US Army Institute of Personnel and Resource Management, USA 1984 Military Personnel Officer Course.
11. Defence Services Staff College,walkington,India,1987/88 Comparative staff college
12. National War College, Abuja 1997/98 – NWC Course 6
A humane, compassionate and accommodating personality, Prince Oyinlola married his wife, Omolola, (nee Majekodunmi) in 1978. The union is blessed with four children. His hobbies include golfing, hunting and fishing. Olagunsoye Oyinlola emerged the Governor of Osun State by winning the gubernatorial polls of April 19, 2003 on the ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party.
Since assumption of office as Governor of Osun State, on May 29, 2003, Prince Oyinlola has embarked on several welfare schemes and developmental programmes designed to improve the living standard of the populace. The programmes of his administration accorded immediate priority attention include Water Resources, Transportation, Agriculture, Health, Education, Security Poverty Alleviation and Job Creation.
Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola has handled the intricate art of governance with the greatest zeal, commitment and dedication. The various streaks of successes being recorded by the current Administration in Osun State are due largely to team-work and the ability of the Governor to carry everybody along in the scheme of things. Olagunsoye Oyinlola, a gifted and talented manager of human and material resources is imbued with immeasurable native wisdom. He has fallen back on this attribute in the handling of State matters to the admiration of the citizenry. Olagunsoye Oyinlola is gradually transforming Osun – State, which he inherited as a theatre of conflicts and irreconcilable differences into a modern and peaceful state which is in a hurry to develop. Governor Oyinlola has been able to steer the ship of the State to the total admiration of all, convincingly exhibiting a responsive and responsible leadership style that has stood him out as an achiever and selfless patriot.
This, not being his first outing in this kind of assignment, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola has thrown himself headlong into the service of his people and by implication the Nigerian State. Several people – friendly policies, including “Operation-Sweep” were introduced by Olagunsoye Oyinlola during his tenure as Military Administrator of Lagos State. A good manager of human-resources, Oyinlola pays particular attention to the welfare of the working class and the general populace.
The programme of the Government of Osun State, which he heads as Governor has been mapped out to accord the development of “man and his environment” the major focus. Oyinlola believes strongly in the principle of management by objective and has therefore consistently managed the human and material resources in Osun State in line with laid down objectives of Government. The current Administration, headed by Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola has utilized to the greater advantage of the citizenry the principle of visioning and planning. His wide acceptability has resulted in his emergence as the Leader of the Peoples Democratic Party in Osun State.
A believer in the doctrine of justice and fairplay, Oyinlola has continue to review anti-people policies inherited by his Administration. Issues are treated without discrimination and without ill-will or affection, not minding whose ox is gored. Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola’s posture is that of ensuring the running of a responsible and responsive Government.

The Man - Lt. Gen Theophilus Yakubu Danjuma Rtd

Lt. Gen Theophilus Yakubu Danjuma Rtd was born on the 9 December 1937 in Takum Local Government Area of Taraba State, Nigeria. He completed his primary education at the St. Bartholomew’s Primary School, a Christian Missionary School in Wussa town in Zaria, Kaduna State.
His Secondary education was at the Benue Provincial Secondary School in Katsina-Ala, Benue State where he graduated in 1958 after which he proceeded to the Nigerian College of Arts, Science and Technology (now Ahmadu Bello University), Zaria, Kaduna State. Although he desired to be a historian, the disciplined life of the armed forces was of great attraction to him and in the year 1960, he enrolled into the Nigerian Military Training College in Kaduna.
Between 1960 and 1961, he attended Mons Officer Cadet School, Aldershot, United Kingdom. He was also a student of the School of Infantry, Hythe and Warminster (1962), Special Warfare Centre (1963) as well as the Army Staff College in the United Kingdom in 1967.
General Danjuma served in the following positions in the Nigerian Army;
• Brigade Commander
• Deputy Division Commander
• Chairman of the Special Military Tribunal to Trinidad and Tobago
• General Officer Commanding 3rd Infantry Division of the Nigerian Army
• Chief of Army Staff
• Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
Following a successful military career, the General also served in key political positions, which include;
• Chairman of the Presidential policy Advisory Committee in 1999
• The Honourable Minister of Defence (1999-2003)
• Chairman of the Presidential Advisory Council (2010-Date)
As a successful businessman, General Dajuma has founded the following companies;
• Nigeria America Lines Ltd
• T Y Holdingss Ltd
• South Atlantic Petroleum
• Union Dicon Salt Plc
• Best Land and Sea Ltd
• Galba Ltd
• T Y Chemicals Ltd
• Unitrust Insurance
• T Y Acres
• Comet Shipping and a host of others.
General T Y Danjuma is also a philanthropist. He has an impressive track record of philanthropic giving, which culminated in the establishment of the T Y Danjuma Foundation. The foundation seeks to support innovative and catalytic initiatives that will improve the socio-economic well being of people in poor resource settings in Nigeria and further leverage the investments of others in these efforts at national and international levels.
General Danjuma is happily married and blessed with children.

The Man - Alhaji Umaru Yar'Adua, Nigeria’s 13th President

Alhaji Umaru Yar'Adua was president of Nigeria from 2007, breaking the cycle of civilian rule and military coup which had dogged the country since independence. Yar'Adua was somewhat reclusive in his dealings with the public and press, and his only major political success was dealing with the civil unrest in the oil-rich Niger Delta -- convincing many to give up their arms during a three-month amnesty in 2009.
Date of Birth: 16 August 1951. Katsina, Nigeria
Date of Death: 5 May 2010, Abuja, Nigeria
An Early Life
Umaru Yar'Adua was born to elite Fulani family in Katsina, northern Nigeria -- one of Nigeria's the leading centers of Islamic study. Yar'Adua's father was prominent in both traditional and national politics -- he was the Mutawalli, the custodian of the royal Katsina treasury, and the federal minister for Lagos during the First Republic (1963-66). Yar'Adua's elder brother, Shehu Musa Yar'Adua, was an army general and served as deputy leader to Olusegun Obasanjo's military government of 1976-79.
Umaru Yar'Adua attended schools in central and northern Nigeria -- particularly the government college in Keffi from 1965 to 69, and Barewa College in Kaduna (considered to be the most prestigious school in northern Nigeria) until 1971. Yar'Adua attended Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria, Northern Nigeria, between 1972 and 75, where he obtained a BSc in Chemistry. (He went on to gain a masters degree from Ahmadu Bello in 1978.) Whilst at university, he developed a strong interest in Marxism (causing some tension in the family since his brother had Capitalist tendencies). In 1975 he married his first wife Turai.
Between 1975 to 1983 Yar'Adua taught as a chemistry teacher at various colleges and schools in northern Nigeria before becoming a business man: working as a manager (initially for Sambo Farms Ltd in Katsina) and director in several companies, including banks and investment houses.
Starting Out in Politics
Umaru Yar'Adua began his life in politics with the People's Redemption Party, PRP, during Nigeria's Second Republic (1979-83). The country had emerged from Olusegun Obasanjo's military government under the leadership of President Shehy Shagari (National Party of Nigeria). Shagari's rule was largely ineffectual, with widespread corruption. After winning a second term through a questionable election, Shagari was overthrown by Muhammadu Buhari in a military coup in December 1983.
A second military coup followed in 1985, when chief-of-army staff Ibrahim Babangida removed Buhari. Nigerian politics entered a transitional stage, from 1989 to 93, as Babangida began the transfer of government to civilian rule. During this period Umaru Yar'Adua became a founding member of the People's Front, PF, along with his brother Shehu Musa who became the party's leader. Umaru Yar'Adua started looking towards state politics and stood as a candidate for the Katsina gubernatorial (ie state) election. He lost to an ally of Babangida. In 1992 Umaru Yar'Adua married his second wife, Hajiya Hauwa. They were divorced five years later.
Having discovered he enjoyed being in power, Chairman of the Armed Forces Ruling Council Ibrahim Babangida did his best to stymie the transition of power -- annulling the presidential election of 12 June 1993 which he had lost. He was forced to hand over government to an Interim National Council, under Ernest Shonekan in August 1993. Only three months later, another military coup put General Sani Abacha in power. Umaru Yar'Adua and his brother were imprisoned in 1995 (along with Olusegun Obasanjo) during the middle of Sani Abacha's period of military rule (1993 to 98) -- they were accused of plotting a coup. Shehu Musa Yar'Adua died in prison in 1997.
As A State Governor
Olusegun Obasanjo along with Umaru and Shehu Yar'Adua were founding members of the People's Democratic Party, PDP, which became the most 'national' of Nigeria's political groups as Abacha's rule came to an end -- he died from an apparent hert attack on 8 June 1998. He was succeeded by General Abdulsalami Abubakar, who released many of Abacha's political prisoners. New elections for state assemblies, governorships, the National Assembly and the presidency were held through 1999. Umaru Yar'Adua once again ran for governor in Katsina state, under the mandate of the PDP. He won (and was re-elected in 2003). Olusegun Obasanjo was elected president in May 1999, creating Nigeria's Fourth Republic.
As state governor Yar'Adua is credited with a focus on socio-economic development, especially within education and health. He was also, however, accused of nepotism -- several key contracts were given to companies linked to his family's business empire. Charges of corruption, a common thread to Nigeria's post independence history, were not uncommon and Yar'Adua had attempted to preempt these by publicly revealing his assets before the election took place. Katsina state had significant debts, inherited from his predecessors' terms as governor. But Yar'Adua was a prudent state official, and over the next two terms turned the deficit into a $50 million surplus. In 2000 Katsina became the fifth Nigerian state to adopt Sharia Law.
Yar'Adua for President
Yar'Adua was selected by Olusegun Obasanjo as the People's Democratic Party's (PDP) candidate in presidential elections for 2007 -- Obasanjo had served his two terms and could not run again. It was rumored at the time that Obasanjo used both political inducements and the threat of investigation by the state's anti-graft agency to bring the other state governors in line with his choice (rather than run themselves). It is also possible that Obasanjo considered Yar'Adua to be suitable puppet through which he could maintain power -- but in the end Yar'Adua didn't play along.
Yar'Adua ran against several popular military and political leaders, but won a landslide of 70% of the vote in April 2007. The victory, however, was clouded with accusations of vote rigging, voter intimidation, and violence. The election was criticized both nationally, and international observers. On 29 May 2007 Umaru Yar'Adua was inaugurated as Nigeria's 13th president -- this was the first time an elected president was succeeded by an new elected president (ie not a military take over), and Yar'Adua was the first Nigerian president to have a university education. Nigeria had high expectations for its 'new' regime.
Obasanjo had initiated several development programs, and Yar'Adua faced the enormous task of continuing them -- reestablishing peace and instituting reconciliation in the oil-rich Niger Delta, combating corruption (Yar'Adua once again declared his assets as part of the process, and was the first Nigerian president to do so). He also announced that he would improve the electrical power sector in Nigeria, and deal with the flawed electoral system (several state governor elections were, as a result, overturned).
Proving himself to be independent of Obasanjo, Yar'Adua reversed some of Obasanjo's policies, particularly the privatization of state companies. He also dropped key Obasanjo allies in the PDP (such as the head of the anti-corruption agency, Nuhu Ribadu, and the central bank governor, Chikwuma Soludo). Goodluck Jonathan, the governor of Bayelsa State, was selected to be vice-president.
Although Yar'Adua had a reputation for fair play, and being somewhat reclusive in his dealings with the public (and especially the media), he was also known to be a demanding leader who permitted little opposition in his party. Like Obasanjo, he used the threat of anti-corruption investigations to keep people in line. But he was slow to develop policy, and was given the nickname 'Baba-go-slow'.
Declining Health
Rumors of ill health soon surfaced, and he traveled abroad for medical treatment on several occasions (as it was revealed he had before the presidency). After visiting Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, in November 2009 for heart and kidney problems, his critics in government called for power to be transferred to vice-president Goodwill Jonathan. They were worried by the increasing power vacuum caused by his absence. In interviews Yar'Adua refused to comment about his health, other than to say he was "in the hands of God."
A Nigerian court ruled, on 29 January 2010, that Yar'Adua was not obliged to transfer power, but his absence from the country became more pressing. On 9 February 2010 the Nigerian National Assembly voted to have Goodwill Jonathan assume full power (despite constitutional questions about his authority to do so) and take over as acting president. Although Yar'Adua returned to Nigeria on 24 February 2010, Jonathan continued in his role as acting president.
Umaru Yar'Adua died on 5 May 2010 at the presidential villa, Aso Rock, in Ajuba, and was buried in Katsina the following day according to Islamic tradition. Acting president Goodluck Jonathan was sworn in as president on 6 May 2010 to serve out the remaining presidential term. Yar'Adua was survived by his wives and nine children (having had two sons and five daughters with his first wife Tauria, and two sons with his second wife Hajiya Hauwa).

The Man - President Ibrahim Babangida

General Ibrahim Babangida (Nigeria’s eight head of state) became the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria in August 27, 1985 (Eid-el-kabir).

President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida is a man of many parts. He was born during the Second World War. A fine officer and gentleman, General Ibramhim Babangida, president, commander-in-chief of the Armed forces of Nigeria, was born on August 17, 1941 in Minna, Niger state (Nigeria). He is one of the children of Muhammad and Aisha Babangida. He began his primary education in 1950 and finished in 1956. In 1957, he gained admission to Government college, Bida, where he passed his West African school certificate Examination in 1962. General Babangida enrolled at the Nigerian Military Training college on December 10, 1962, passed out on April 20, 1963, and was later commissioned in the rank of 2nd Lieutenant.

The general then proceeded to the Indian Military Academy for another course from where he graduated in April 1964. After his graduation, he was appointed commanding officer of the 1st Reconnaissance Squadron until January 1966, when he proceeded to the Royal Armoured Centre in the United Kingdom for the young officers’ course, which he completed on April 24, 1966. He was thereafter, promoted to the rank of Lieutenant that year. Soon after, he was back at the same Royal Armoured Centre where he bagged a certificate in Armoured Driving Maintenance the following year.

In July 1968, he was appointed commander, 44 infantry (The Rangers) and got elevated to the rank of captain in August of the same year. It was also during his tour of duty as commanding officer in the same battalion, that he earned his promotion as a Major in April 1970. Based on his previous good performances, he was nominated for the company commanders’ course at Warminster in the United Kingdom between October and November 1970, and after a successful completion, he was appointed instructor and company commander at the Nigerian Defence Academy between 1970 and 1972. He commenced the Advanced Armoured Officers’ course at the Armoured school in the United States on August 16, 1972 where he again passed out with flying colors on June 8, 1973. On his return, he was appointed Lieutenant- colonel in 1974 – a position he held until his appointment as the inspector and subsequently the commander Nigerian Army Armoured corps in 1975. In January 1977, he proceeded briefly on the senior officers’ course at the Command and Staff College, Jaji. After completing the course in July of the same year, he was redeployed to his former post as commander of the Nigerian Army Armoured Corps where he was until 1979 when he was promoted as a Brigadier. Soon after his promotion, he attended the Policy and strategic studies course at the Nigerian Institute of policy and strategic studies (NIPSS) at Kuru-Jos, Plateau State (Nigeria). Later, he went in for the Senior International Defence Management Course at the Naval post Graduate School in United States between January and June 1980. On January 5, 1981, he was appointed Director, Army Staff Duties and plans and he was promoted as Major General on March 1, 1983. He relinquished his appointment to become the chief of Army Staff on December 31,1983. General Babangida was also a member of the Supreme Military Council – the highest policy formulating body of the government between August 1, 1975 and October 1979. He was re-appointed to the same vital government organ when the military took over the reins of power from civilians on December 31, 1985 in his new capacity as the Army boss. He combined both appointments until August 27, 1983 when he became the President and Commander-in-chief of the Armed forces. On assumption of office, he changed the title Supreme Military Council (SMC) to Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) over which he presides as chairman. On October 1, 1987 President Babangida was promoted a full General.


Family Man

He is married to his sweet heart former Hajiya Maryam King since September 1969, and they are blessed with four children-two boys (Mohammed and Aminu) and two girls (Aisha and Halima).


Awards and honours

In recognition of his service to the nation, Babangida was conferred with one of the highest national honour-awards, the commander of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (CFR). Apart from this he has also been decorated on different occasions- these are the Defence Service Medical (DSM); The National Service Medal (NSM); The Royal Service Medal (RSM); the Forces Services Star (FSS). And the General Service Medal (GSM). During a state visit to Great Britain in May 1989, Queen Elizabeth II conferred President Babangida with the Knight Grand Cross of the Bath (GCB). He reciprocated by conferring on the English Monarch, Nigeria’s highest honour, the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR). General Babangida has Presented several military and service papers some of which are entitled “ Civil / Military Relationship – The Nigeria experience 1979 and “ Defence policy within the framework of National planning 1985”. Among the places he had visited are Western and Eastern Europe, North America, Middle East, Africa and Asia. President Babangida was elected chairman of the Organization of the African Unity (OAU) in October 1991 and represented the organization on many international issues and also at the United Nations General Assembly. He is also the recipient of the Person of the YEAR 2004 Award by Nigerians in Diaspora Organization - Arewa-online. His biography encouraged, inspired and taught us when we were young that success is sure through diligence and perseverance.


Loyalty, courage and patriotism

A remarkable evidence of his loyalty to the Nation during the Muritala Muhammed administration was the demonstration of rare courage that he exhibited during the troubled days of the regime threatened by Dimka’s coup d’etat. One of the days which shook Nigeria to her foundation was the day that Lt. Colonel. Buka Suka Dimka took over the premises of Radio Nigeria at Ikoyi, a few poles from Dodan Barracks, residence of the head of State. That morning, on Friday, 13th February 1976, Dimka had ambushed the Head of State and with the collaboration of some soldiers acting under his influence and that of his collaborators had shot the Head of State and Commander-in-chief of the Armed force of Nigeria and assassinated him. Confusion was the order of the day throughout the country and especially within the Armed Forces particularly in Lagos. No one dared to move near Dimka as he was armed to the teeth and was in complete control of the Broadcasting house, the FRCN. It was the most credible and reliable medium through which all Nigerians picked the national news of development in the country. It was even at that moment that every Nigerian was glued to their radio sets to learn more from the hourly broadcasts of events. Dimka held the nation to a ransom. To dislodge him would cost lots of lives, lives of innocent people working in the radio establishment and living around Ikoyi and Obalende communities.



A young Nigerian soldier in his middle age emerged on the scene to put end to Dimka’s coup. That young Nigerian soldier was Colonel Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida. It was a bloody day as Army officers were in disarray. They had been taken by surprise by Dimka and his Co- coup plotters. He clearly demonstrated this quality in his confrontation with Lt. Col. B.S. Dimka when unarmed he approached the coup leader to withdraw his troops from the premises of the Radio station already occupied and fortified with tanks and armed men. He spoke to Lt. Col. Dimka with ease and fearlessness, which marks him out as a courageous soldier among officers of the Nigerian Army. At first, Lt. Col. Dimka threatened General Babangida’s life when he warned him to keep off or “I will shoot you” General Babagida Managed a smile, his usual characteristics and replied “ I would have been happier to die in the hands of my friend. I know you will have to take care of my wife Maryam and children.” These few Statements by General Babangida and his peculiar military diplomacy did the magic as he disarmed Lt. Col. Dimka without firing a single shot. Even at the Nigerian Military School in Zaria where General Babangida had his Military training, he was known as “ Mr. Courage”. For saving the nation with military diplomacy, we saw his patriotism as one of the qualities that make him suitable to be declared our true hero. For that solo military effort of Babangida, Dimka would have carried his plans further and the nation’s throat would have been slashed. Babangida’s courage had saved the nation from bleeding to death. The attributes of his leadership have been acknowledged by Nigeria. From there on, he began to earn the respect of his fellow men and the love of Nigerians. Compared with many who have had the opportunity rule Nigeria, Babangida was a somewhat more methodical ruler, and his style was different. Babangida was deft and tactical.


International diplomacy

The administration of Babangida opened more diplomatic posts abroad, improved the strained relations with others and lifted the diplomatic ban on Israel.


In 1986 Nigeria became a member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), an international association of Islamic states in which Nigeria had long held observer status.


Political reforms

Babangida's government adopted other economic reforms leading to a market system and political reforms leading to democratic processes. Important changes were made in the basic structures of military federalism. For the first time, a military leader was called president, presumably to emphasize the executive power he wielded and pave the way for democratization of the Nigerian polity. The name of the supreme lawmaking body was changed from Supreme Military Council to the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC). There was also a new Armed Forces Consultative Assembly, formed in 1989, which functioned as an intermediate legislative chamber between the AFRC and the rest of the military. In spite of these elaborate structural changes, Babangida adroitly increased the powers of his office. He changed his ministers and state governors frequently. Even supposedly powerful members of the government were not spared, as was demonstrated in 1986 when he dropped his second in command, Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe. In his place, he appointed Rear Admiral Augustus Aikhomu, former chief of the naval staff. The most dramatic of these changes were made at the end of 1989, when Babangida reassigned several ministers, including General Domkat Bali, the powerful minister of defence and chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (the minister of defence being the president himself). These changes generated heated controversy however, Babangida emerged from the changes more powerful than before.



He also set up machinery under which the two party structure would reach the grassroots for non- discriminate membership. Two parties NRC and SDP represent popular political views and Ideological sentiments of majority of Nigerians. So, it became possible for those with liberal views to be grouped together and those of conservative political views to be associated. It represents a clear – cut dichotomy in Nigeria’s political history.


IBBnomics
Economic reforms
Babangida and the first lady, Maryam have always been regarded as the people’s and big business head of state and first lady. The first lady and Babangida’s love for the masses was demonstrated at every opportunity during his administration. To uplift life in rural areas, his administration through the energy of the first lady, Mrs. Maryam Babangida, initiated and implemented the Better Life Programme. It was designed to raise the consciousness and the standard of living of people.



The government (Babangida) also set up the people’s Bank of Nigeria, and established branches in towns and rural areas for the use of the poor in other to create a safety net. Loans were issued free of interest to promote small-scale industrial activities in the rural sector. We can cite a lot of other examples such as self-sufficiency in food production, including exports of cash crops, commendable industrial growth, promotion of tourism, the big growth in banking and non-banking financial sectors, a balanced and highly efficient civil service and other public service structures.


IBBnomics and the Babangida revolution

The volume of Nigerian business increased during his regime in spite of the state of the economy. This was credited to president Babangida’s romance with the business community and the chambers of commerce, while at the same time urging their greater participation in investment some of the old dormant industries and those moribund and unprofitable grain boards were privatized. The activities of the lucky entrepreneurs brought home hard currency to boost the dwindling naira.

Every revolution begets its own legality; the Babangida revolution was not an exception. The wide gap between the rich and the poor seemed to have given him a lot of concern throughout his administration as he fought the battle through many democratic reforms to narrow this gap. He felt if good production from the rural areas were in abundance, and the city dwellers are gainfully employed by the industries, all will have enough to eat, safe and to educate their children. He set the country on the path to economic recovery by adopting measure which the angels dared not, the Structural Adjustment Programme (IMF and World Bank options).



The year after ascending to power, the Babangida regime declared a National Economic Emergency. The options open to the country, Babangida said, were either to accept an International Monetary Fund loan and the conditions attached or to embark on more austere economic measures that would require great sacrifices. Although the people favoured a non-IMF option, they soon discovered the hardships eventually imposed differed little from the IMF's conditions. The economic recovery program recommended by the World Bank was instituted as a self-imposed structural adjustment program (SAP) that involved a drastic restructuring of the country's economy. Under SAP, unemployment rates soared, food prices increased significantly, and numerous user fees for education and health services were imposed. These hardships did not dissuade the government from SAP, which it believed to be the only approach to the country's social and economic problems. At first, many people couldn’t appreciate the Babangida Structural Adjustment Programme as realistic solution to Nigeria’s economic ailments at the time. Its curative ability was not immediate at first, but two years after its adoption, Nigerians learnt the economic tricks of self-reliance and began to look inward for socio-economic dependability. The benefits of SAP, such as lower inflation and more balanced budget, began to be seen but SAP was adhered to less stringently in the late 1980s.



Babangida had produced the following identifiable gains through Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). Intensive export promotion drives in the non-oil sector. Local production of wheat. Support for the establishment of small-scale businesses.



Babangida also introduced far-reaching changes in the civil service, the police, the armed and security forces, and the political system.


The great survivor

On April 22, 1990, a coup attempt led by Major Gideon Orkar almost toppled the Babangida regime. The presidential residence in Dodan Barracks was extensively damaged by the rebellious soldiers, but the head of state survived. A unique feature of this coup attempt was the level of involvement of Nigerian civilians, who allegedly helped finance the operation. During the hours when the rebels controlled the radio station in Lagos, they broadcast a critique of the regime with threats to expel the far northern states from the federation.



The survival of Babangida and all senior members of the regime enabled the government to continue its policies, especially the planned transition to civilian rule in 1992. The state congresses of the two government-sponsored political parties, the only legal parties, the National Republican Convention and the Social Democratic Party, were held in the summer of 1990 and campaigning began in earnest thereafter. The outcome of the elections and subsequent annulment soon lead to crisis.


Stepping aside

The crisis of the June 12 1993, led to General Babangida handing over to an Interim National Government exactly eight years later on August 27, 1993. Gen. Babangida said in the seven years after the annulment of the June 12 presidential election, people keep asking me about it in spite of enough answers I have given. But you will find out that it is just a group of people who feel aggrieved by the annulment of the June 12 presidential election. If it were not for the annulment, what would have been their positions today? June 12 has served as a key to open the door for many Nigerians in positions of authority today. These beneficiaries of June 12 annulment are not being fair to me. There are only two dogged fighters for June 12 in Nigeria. They are mere sycophants who have fed fat on June 12, he said.



The former President also commented on his speculated presidential ambition, saying, “in the first place, if God ordains one for something, nobody can stop it. Likewise, if God says no, even if the whole world teams up, it will not change the situation. Therefore, I am leaving everything to God to determine my political future.”


IBB legacy

At the time of the political transition there were: great increase in food production. Increased local sourcing of industrial raw materials through research and development. Regular payments of workers’ and teachers’ salaries nationwide. Also, the promotion of public ownership of government companies through privatization and commercialization. Provision of employment and training opportunities at all levels through programs of the National Directorate of Employment. Rural development had taken a brand new dimension with MAMSER crusading and spreading awareness of governments concern for rural dwellers. There was unprecedented agricultural improvement. New road construction and dualization of major highways were carried out. The cocoa, palm fruits, rubber plantations and farms have returned to their good era. Are these not praise-worthy? These are the Legacy of a true hero and Leader: General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida.


A MAN FOR ALL REASONS

It is not the critic who counts; nor the man who points out how the strong man stumbles or where the doer of deeds could have done them better. The credit belongs to the man who is actually in the arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood; who strives valiantly; who errs, and comes short again and again; because there is not effort without error and shortcomings; but who does actually strive to do the deeds; who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotion; who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievement and who at the worst, if he fails, at least he fails while daring greatly, so that his place shall never be with those cold and timid souls who know neither victory or defeat...THEODORE ROOSEVELT 1910

The Man Olusegun Obasanjo

Olusegun Obasanjo (born March 5, 1937) is the president of Nigeria (since 1999). A born-again Christian of Yoruba extraction, Obasanjo was a career soldier before serving twice as his nation's head of state, once as a military ruler, between February 13th, 1976 and October 1st, 1979 and again, currently, as elected president.
Obasanjo was born in Abeokuta, Ogun State, and he enlisted into the army at the age of 18. He trained at Aldershot and was commissioned as an officer. Although he did not directly participate in the military coup of July 29th, 1975, led by Murtala Ramat Mohammed, he was named Murtala's deputy in the new government. When Mohammed was assassinated in an attempted coup in February 13th 1976, Obasanjo replaced him as head of state. He served until October 1st 1979, when he handed power to Shehu Shagari, a democratically elected civilian president, becoming the first leader in Nigerian history to surrender power willingly. In late 1983, however, the military seized power again. Obasanjo, being in retirement, did not participate in that coup, and did not approve of it.
During the dictatorship of Sani Abacha (1993-1998), Obasanjo spoke out against the human rights abuses of the regime, and was imprisoned. He was released only after Abacha's sudden death on 8 June 1998. It was after his release from prison that Obasanjo announced that he was now a born-again Christian. Some commentators have seen this as a crucial factor that in cementing his popularity in Nigeria's southern states where Christianity is the predominant faith.
In the 1999 elections, the first for sixteen years, he decided to run for the presidency as the candidate of the People's Democratic Party. Obasanjo won with 62.6 percent of the vote, sweeping the strongly Christian South-East and the predominantly Muslim north, but decisively lost his home region, the south-west, to his fellow-Yoruba and fellow-Christian, Olu Falae, the only other candidate. It is thought that lingering resentment among his fellow-Yorubas about his previous administration of 1976 to 1979, after which he handed power over to a government dominated by northerners rather than by Yorubas, contributed to his poor showing among his own people.
Obasanjo was handily reelected in 2003 in a tumultuous election that had ethnic and religious overtones, his main opponent (fellow former military ruler General Muhammadu Buhari) being a Muslim who drew his support mainly from the north. Capturing 61.8 percent of the vote, Obasanjo defeated Buhari by more than 11 million votes. Buhari and other defeated candidates (including Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the former Biafran leader of the 1960s), claimed that the election was fraudulent. International observers from the British Commonwealth were more nuanced in their judgement. They concluded that while there had been incidents of fraud on both sides, Obasanjo's margin of victory was so huge that electoral malpractice would not have changed the result. Much more worrying was the increasing polarization of Nigeria along geographic and religious lines. Obasanjo made a spectacular sweep of the South, including the south-west where he had lost four years earlier, but lost considerable ground in the North. For a nation in which ethnicity and religion ties in strongly to geography, such a trend was seen by many as particularly disturbing. Other commentators might simply note that in 2003, unlike 1999, Obasanjo was running against a Northerner and could therefore expect his support to erode in the North.
Since leading a charge against corruption and economic reforms in his country, he is seen widely as an African statesman championing debt relief, free trade, market reforms and democratic institutions (thrice rejecting government change by coup in the continent of Africa as the chairperson of AU -African Union)
Alcohol and includes such punishments as amputation for those guilty of theft. Ethnic tensions have already erupted into violence this year. Clashes in a Lagos market last month between Yoruba and Hausa, the two largest groups in Nigeria, left at least 50 people dead.


A lot rests on the new President. Friends describe him as a pragmatic and down-to-earth man who talks straight but has a short temper. After stepping down as leader in 1979, he retired to his farm outside the town of Otta, 80 km north of Lagos, where he farmed pigs and chickens and eventually set up an international think tank called the Africa Leadership Forum. Now based in the capital, Abuja, Obasanjo still likes to escape to Otta, where he runs local errands, eats goat stew with his fingers, reads, and writes to old colleagues overseas.

"Because of what happened in the recent past, many Nigerians were about to give up in desperation," Obasanjo said in May. "[They asked:] 'Is there any hope? Can it be done?' Now they are coming back, [saying] 'Maybe it can be done.' And I believe it can be done." It will be years, perhaps decades, before Nigeria regains the confidence it had during the oil boom of the 1970s. But under Obasanjo, a military-man-turned-democrat, at least the country has renewed reason for hope.

Nyame Approved Withdrawal of N330M Without Due Process

FORMER TARABA STATE GOVERNOR, REVEREND JOLLY NYAME.

San Francisco, June 24, (THEWILL) - A principal　witness in the on-going corruption trial instituted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC　against former governor of Taraba State, Rev. Jolly Nyame, Mr. Dennis Orkuma Nev, a Permanent Secretary in the Taraba State Government House told Justice Adebunkola Banjoko of the FCT High Court how the former governor unilaterally raised and approved the sum of one hundred million naira (N100, 000,000), for the visit of former President Olusegun Obasanjo to the state, without following normal processes of disbursing funds.

Nev said that memos for　the amount were raised on a single day, 11th April 2007, and payment vouchers approved at the government house rather than the ministry of finance.

Besides, Nev also disclosed how over two hundred million naira (N200, 000, 000) was withdrawn by some officials of both the Taraba State Government House, specifically,　the cashier, Joel Andrew and the then Taraba State liaison officer, in Abuja for the governor’s private use.

He also disclosed that a memo was brought to him for approval for the release of Thirty Million Naira (N30, 000,000) to the state PDP Chairman who sought for financial assistance.

Attempts made by the defence counsel, Charles Edosonwan to challenge the admissibility of the memos presented as exhibits on the ground of certification was overruled by Justice Banjoko. 　He had argued that tendering the documents contravenes some sections of the Evidence Act and that the witness cannot be the certifier at the same time. He further said that the witness had been in possession of the exhibits for too long a time such that its authenticity can be questioned. He also faulted the exhibits on the ground that they were not sealed.

However, 　Prosecution counsel, Rotimi Jacobs argued that the prosecution had complied with two of the requirements of Section 111 of the Act and that the issue of sealing of the exhibit　was not a pre-qualification but conditional. He averred that once the exhibit has the date of certification, name of the officer certifying, amount paid, and official title of the officer, it is deemed enough certification.

In her ruling,　Justice Banjoko said that "It is clear that reason of certification is to enable admissibility. It is clear really that the document is not sealed but substantial requirement has been made. The attitude to shift the onus from a narrow technicality is not to be allowed."

When asked if taking the money approved by the governor personally to him was a normal practice, the witness said, "As a permanent Secretary, it is not normal, but each assignment has its own peculiar way of tackling it, so this one was the way it was handled."

A staff of Zenith Bank who is also a prosecution witness had on Tuesday narrated how aides of the former governor made cash lodgements of hundreds of millions of naira in a coded account on behalf of Nyame. After Nev’s testimony, the trial judge adjourned continuation of trial to tomorrow, Friday, June 25, 2010.

The Man - Prof Attahiru Jega, The New INEC Chairman - the Story

The Upper Legislature has after a long session of screening approved and confirmed Professor Attahiru Jega as chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission [INEC] and six others as commissioners.

by Oluwakayode ajala
The screening exercise for Jega and others started on Wednesday June 23 and lasted for about four hours, he had to wait for the screening of the others on Thursday before he was confirmed.

Others confirmed were Dr. Nuru Yakubu, Mrs. Thelma Iremiren, Prof. Olayiwola Olurode, Dame Gladys Nne Nwafor, Col. Hanamga Kurmi (rtd.) and Dr. Ishmael Igbani (reappointment).

President of the Senate, David Mark, said the nominees had repeatedly promised to uphold the tenets of the Constitution and the Electoral Law and urged them to abide by their promise.

"They need to be fair, they need to be transparent and they need to conduct a free and fair election in 2011," he said.

Professor Attahiru Jega: An educationist from the North, will be remembered for the role he played during the military era when the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) under his leadership forced the government of General Ibrahim Babangida to sign the famous 1992 ASUU/FG agreement which sought to improve the welfare of university teachers and also recognize their role in nation building.

When he was ASUU president, Prof Maurice Iwu was the deputy president of the body.

He became the Vice Chancellor of the Bayero University, Kano in 2005. Jega was also a member of the Justice Uwais’ Electoral Reform Committee that produced a widely hailed report, which the government is yet to fully implement. His tenure as vice chancellor is to end in October.

The highly regarded former president of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and current vice chancellor of BUK is clearly known, nor is he by any stretch of the imagination unsung. He was celebrated not only for giving IBB headache but also for rejecting Abacha’s offer to appoint him as education minister, apart from his self-discipline, which is legendary.

His name and those of other national commissioners would be sent to the National Assembly for confirmation.

Jega was born in Jega, Kebbi State on January 11, 1957.

He attended Sabon Gari Town Primary School, Jega between 1963 and 1969 and moved on to Government Secondary School, Birnin Kebbi thereafter.

At the Bayero University College, Kano, he started his university education in 1974 and graduated in 1978 with a Second Class Upper BSc degree in Political Science.

While he worked as a teaching assistant Bayero University, he won a fellowship at Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois, United States in 1981 where he earned a PhD in Political Science and a Certificate in African Studies, before returning again to Bayero University in 1984 to resume as a lecturer in the Political Science department of the institution.

He was at one time a visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) Lagos, between March 1992 and March 1993; a visiting Research Fellow, Department of Political Science, University of Stockholm, Sweden in 1994; Deputy Vice-chancellor (Academic), BUK between 1995 and 1996; and Director, Centre for Democratic Research and Training, Mambayya House, BUK between 2000 to 2004.

He was head of Political Science, Bayero University, Kano before his appointment five years ago as the Vice Chancellor of the university.

Under his ASUU presidency, Jega successfully negotiated welfare for lecturers which led to increase in salary and better funding of the universities. During his tenure the education tax fund was also established with companies making contributions to the funding of education in tertiary institutions.

As BUK VC, Jega was at the receiving end from his colleagues but was able to manage the situation allowing peace to reign on campus and bringing about developmental changes in the institution.

INEC and its new chairman

Guardian Newspaper Editorial Opinion of Wednesday 2, June, 2010

THE euphoria that greeted the appointment of Prof. Attahiru Jega as the new chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is probably not misplaced, considering Jega’s antecedents as a civil society activist, academic and administrator. More importantly, there had been a strong yearning for change of leadership at INEC. This notwithstanding, the mere change of personnel will not automatically guarantee credible elections. There is a lot more that needs to be done by government, the political parties and the Nigerian people.
A professor of Political Science, until his new appointment the Vice Chancellor of Bayero University, Kano (BUK) Jega is the first person from the northern states to preside over the country’s electoral body. A recipient of the Officer of the Federal Republic (OFR) award, Jega 53, was appointed Vice Chancellor of BUK in November 2005. He holds a Ph. D in Political Science from Northwestern University, the United States. He was a member of the Justice Uwais-led Electoral Reform Committee and President of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) between 1988 and 1994.
Locally, Nigerians including the major political parties, government functionaries, democracy and civil rights groups have hailed his appointment; abroad, democracy watchers are equally optimistic.
Jega was one of several persons nominated for the critical post. The National Council of State, the country’s highest advisory body unanimously approved his nomination, alongside the appointment of 10 national electoral commissioners and 18 Resident Electoral Commissioners.
Jega is expected to provide INEC with strong leadership and raise its standards, and ensure credible elections. It won’t be an easy task, but that is precisely what is expected. Jega needs to convince Nigerians that INEC under him will be fair and impartial to all stakeholders. The failure of the electoral commission has been a major sore point in Nigeria’s democratisation process. Regrettably, the federal government did not implement the Uwais committee’s recommendations, which, among others, stressed the independence and impartiality of INEC.
These are issues that the Federal Government would still have to address sooner or later. To start, INEC as an institution needs to be strengthened and revamped. Jega and his team will also have no excuse but to take full responsibility for any shortcomings associated with INEC under their watch. Nigerians want free and fair elections, beginning with the 2011 general elections; they want their votes to count, and the professional political class to show greater commitment to the common good, rather than narrow selfish, interests. For years, the international community has regarded Nigerian elections with suspicion and contempt. Political corruption such as we have witnessed in past elections damages the country’s reputation and stalls meaningful development in all spheres of national life. This trend must be checked.
Restoring public confidence in the ability of the electoral commission and its officials to protect the people’s votes, is one of Jega’s major challenges, moreso because his last four predecessors in that position had left office amid controversies and doubts. In the process, democracy as a popular form of government has been seriously compromised; and talks about dividends of democracy are perceived with suspicion. If every vote is meant to count, the process must begin with the voters’ register, which should be current, comprehensive and reliable.
Nigerians await the much-touted electoral reform, particularly along the lines recommended by the Uwais committee, with the expectation that the proposed amendment of the 1999 Constitution will invariably reshape INEC and achieve the objective of reform. INEC officials require training and capacity building opportunities and they should be so exposed.
Nigerians must also be vigilant and insist on best practices, both from INEC and the political parties, in order to check the endless machinations of desperate politicians and their cohorts, who are bent on corrupting the electoral system for their own selfish ends.
The National Assembly should eschew complacency and show more interest in the success of INEC. Questions have been raised for example about the political affiliation of some of the newly appointed INEC commissioners. The National Assembly should look into this and ensure that INEC is led only by men and women who can be trusted to do the job without fear or favour. Unfortunately, the members appear uninterested, perhaps because most of them benefitted from the flaws in past elections and the problematic electoral system. The country has a fresh opportunity for a new beginning, which should not be wasted. The next step is to ensure that the 2011 elections are free and fair and seen to be truly so.

Show of shame at the House of Reps

Thursday, 24 June 2010 00:00
Guardian Editorial Opinion

THE frequent rumblings in the House of Representatives over issues that seem unconnected with core legislative duties should be a source of worry to all well-meaning Nigerians. Since 2007, when the brawl generated by the scandal that led to the resignation of Mrs. Patricia Etteh, the erstwhile Speaker of the House, there have been serious allegations making the rounds in the House, such that the lawmakers appear to have abandoned their primary statutory duties to engage in conflicts over position, power and privileges.
The latest disagreement between the so-called “Progressives” and the leadership of the House once again advertises the gross indiscipline that pervades the National Assembly (NASS). There are different versions of the circumstances leading to the fracas. The first, reportedly, is that the lawmakers wanted an increase in their quarterly allowances from N29 million to N45 million amidst the biting mass poverty in the land, which was opposed by the leadership of the House and which infuriated some of the members. Second is the alleged decision of the House leadership to re-organise the committees, which led to the removal of some chairmen of committees who felt aggrieved.
The third version is that a group of 11 lawmakers led by Dino Melaye operating under the umbrella of “Progressives” petitioned the Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Mrs. Farida Waziri, accusing the Speaker, Dimeji Bankole of financial recklessness. They accused him of spending the sum of N9 billion out of the House’s capital vote for 2008/2009 to purchase eight bullet-proof cars for himself and his convoy. The group issued a seven-day ultimatum for him to resign or be exposed. This immediately set the 11 lawmakers against other members of the House.
Furthermore, following the petition and in an apparent move to assert their power to protect themselves, the group decided to take the law into their own hands by invading the hallowed chamber of the House with tear gas canisters. Fracas ensued in a free-for-all. Some lawmakers were beaten up, their clothes torn to shreds while others sustained injuries. Nigerians have expressed deep outrage over the unruly behaviour of the legislators and the spate of crisis emanating from the House.
It was most shameful that the lawmakers engaged in such riotous behaviour while students on excursion from City Royal Secondary School, Nyanya, were visiting the National Assembly to observe the process of law making. The students and their teachers who sat at the gallery were dumbfounded by the show of shame exhibited by the lawmakers who are supposed to be role models. That experience can hardly be erased from the memory of the students.
It is a sad comment on the ills plaguing the Nigerian nation that the National Assembly has been turned into a battlefield where intrigues and fight for supremacy reign supreme. This is not the first time that sanity has been thrown overboard by the lawmakers and brute force adopted as a conflict-resolution mechanism. In 2007, legislators applied similar brute force in settling scores. All this simply shows the quality of the lawmakers we have in the House of Representatives. Having submitted a petition to the EFCC, the “Progressives” should have allowed due process to take its course. It is wrong however, for other lawmakers to seek to intimidate them. It is most scandalous that lawmakers who are otherwise addressed as “Honourable” would descend so low as to fight in public.
Elsewhere, lawmakers fight over important national issues, due to differences in opinion. Usually, this would have to do with something of benefit to the people and the country. But the situation in Nigeria is radically different. Nigerian legislators are often prepared to engage in physical combat over personal issues, allowances, benefits and other remunerations. There has never been a time the lawmakers fought over issues that border on how to improve the awful state of affairs in the country. The fracas in the House of Representatives on Tuesday further casts a slur on Nigerian democracy and the integrity of politicians.
Without the patriotism and commitment of our lawmakers, the country is grossly short-changed. We condemn the conversion of the hallowed chambers of the National Assembly into a battlefield for selfish interests. We also hope that the conflict this week, was not stage-managed in order to divert attention from the allegations that have been made against the office of the Speaker. While the allegations of financial impropriety should be investigated by the EFCC, all the lawbreakers who acted so dishonourably on the floor of the House should also be named, shamed and sanctioned accordingly. The electorate should also take proper notice of this incident; in the future, those who cannot conduct themselves after the fashion of honourable citizens should be shut out of high office.

CLO faults plan to appoint Iwu as envoy to Brazil

Thursday, 24 June 2010 00:00
THE Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO) has faulted what it considered as the Federal Government’s plan to appoint former Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Maurice Iwu as Nigeria’s Ambassador to Brazil.
According to CLO, as an organisation in the forefront of the struggle for the enthronement of the rule of law, justice, equity and transparency in governance, it finds the planned appointment of Iwu as Nigeria’s envoy to Brazil running against the grain of public expectation.
In a statement by the Acting President of CLO, Igho Akeregha, the group said: “It is trite that every Nigerian has the right to aspire for appointment into any office but the CLO, like most Nigerians will be disappointed if President Goodluck Jonathan has indeed concluded plans to appoint Iwu as a foreign envoy representing the country in a strategic country as Brazil. If President Jonathan proceeds with the appointment of Iwu, it will clearly show to Nigerians that he cannot be trusted with his promises to rid the country of the vestiges of corruption and restore sanity to the polity.
“The CLO notes that as INEC chairman for five years, Prof. Iwu conducted the 2007 general election and other bye-elections in the country. The elections were regarded across the world as a charade and a mockery of democracy whereas only Iwu and those who criminally benefited from the electoral shenanigan celebrated its outcome. It took unprecedented courage on the part of the late President Umaru Yar’Adua to admit the gaping injustices of the election on May 29, 2007, the day he was sworn in as President and key beneficiary of that flawed election.
“Since the so-called elections which clearly failed to reflect the political aspiration of many Nigerians, and the emergence of President Jonathan, who has used every auspicious occasion to reassure Nigerians that his administration will guarantee a ‘one man, one vote’ exercise in the 2010 general elections, the CLO regrets that there is hardly any evidence of sincerity on the part of the president. During his first Presidential Media Chat held on Sunday June 20,2010 in Abuja, President Jonathan was evasive when asked if he would run in the next year’s presidential elections.”
The group added: “The CLO contends that it is the constitutional right of the President to contest the presidential election if he so wishes, but it must be based on transparency and his deliverables.
“The CLO wish to advice President Jonathan, that if he is indeed contemplating the appointment of Iwu as an envoy to Brazil or any other country, he should shelve the idea because of public perception of his role when he was INEC Chairman. During his recent visit to the United States, President Barack Obama also expressed concern on the role of INEC in organising a free and fair poll for the country next year given its past unenviable record.
“Needless to say, that the litany of judicial reversals of Iwu’s electoral illegality speaks volumes about his personality and what he stands for. Nigeria does not deserve to have anyone with such doubtful personality representing her at such international arena. The CLO is hoping that the Presidency and the National Assembly will be guided appropriately by what citizens expect at that level of government.”
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